ROUSSEAU–ENEMY OR REFORMER OF THE ARTS?

THE CASE OF MUSIC

 

Rousseau’s music background:

 

The young Rousseau taught himself music while holding various posts as a music teacher, and performing at home (a common practice). “I certainly must have been born for this art [of music], for I began to love it in my childhood, and it is the only one I have loved constantly throughout my life” (Confs. V, 175).[1] At Les Charmettes he avidly read Rameau’s Traité de l’harmonie while convalescing from an illness (Confs. V, O.C. I, 184).[2]  Rousseau devoted himself to music appreciation in opera houses and churches during his stay in Italy (1743-4).

 

Rousseau’s cultivation of this and other arts and sciences (e.g. chemistry and botany) may cause us to wonder if his Discourse on the Sciences and the Arts is hypocritical.  Rousseau himself argued throughout his works that one way of life suits a morally pure people, e.g. the Spartans, while another suits decadent peoples, e.g. the French.  He could therefore maintain that music, the product of leisure, luxury and vanity, can nevertheless serve a useful moral and political function in decadent societies.  His advocacy of Italian music (see below) exemplifies this view.

 

Reformer of Musical Notation:

 

1742: Rousseau’s Projet concernant de nouveaux signes pour la musique and Dissertation sur la Musique moderne presented a novel scheme of musical notation, with the hope of reforming a difficult and imperfect system (O.C. V, 167).[3]

 

The great naturalist Réaumur introduced Rousseau and his scheme to the Royal Academy of Sciences: “The paper was a success, and brought me compliments that surprised me as much as they flattered me, for I hardly imagined that in the eyes of an Academy, anyone who was not a member would appear to possess even common sense…. But not one of them knew enough about music to be capable of judging my scheme” (Confs. VII, 267).  According to D’Alembert, the reluctance to adopt Rousseau’s notation system was the result of a “prejudice in favor of the older one” (PD, 133).[4]

 

 

The Opera Composer, Critic and Bouffon:

 

1745: Rousseau’s operatic ballet, Les Muses Galantes:

Jean-Phillippe Rameau (1683-1764), criticized the work as too good to have been composed by an amateur; Rameau, a composer and music theorist of renown, is especially well-known for his harmonic theory, the basis for music theory to this day. (Rameau is the uncle in Diderot’s novel, Rameau’s Nephew.)

 

The Querelle des bouffons [war of the opera fans]:

 

1752: Rousseau becomes the leader of the “Bouffons,” fans of Italian opera (opera buffa, e.g. Don Giovanni, the Barber of Seville), who ranged themselves against the fans of French opera, in the Querelle des bouffons. This was no merely diverting artistic controversy, however; under Rousseau’s influence, it took on distinct moral and political implications.  French opera was formal, rule-bound and traditional; it exemplified Cartesian principles of mathematical precision, unity and order.  French opera reflected the taste of the Court for portrayals of heroic themes, while Italian opera was less rigidly structured, more melodic, less conventional and portrayed common people and their ordinary predicaments. Italian opera was therefore an opera of the people – a democratic opera – while French opera was Court opera.  In Italian opera Rousseau saw the potential to conjure up feeling (“sentiment”) through music, to express the principles of virtue nature has engraved on the human heart (see end of first Discours).

 

Prominent Encyclopedists sided with Rousseau in seeing Italian opera as representative of political and moral progress. D’Alembert argued that “freedom in music implies freedom to feel, and freedom to feel implies freedom to act, and freedom to act meant the ruin of states…let us put a brake on singing if we do not wish to have liberty in speaking to follow soon afterwards.”[5]  This is not to say that they felt compelled to reject Rameau and his harmonic theory (see below).

 

1752/3: Le Devin du Village [The Village Soothsayer]:

A comic opera in the Italian style, but in the French language, it was a huge success. It told the story of two peasant lovers split apart by an aristocratic interloper, but later reunited.  Despite its Italian style, it was performed before the King and Court at Fontainbleau, and later at the Paris Opéra. According to Rousseau’s contact at Court, the King could not “stop singing in the vilest voice in his whole Kingdom: ‘I have lost my serving man; all my joy has gone from me’” (Confs. VIII, 355).  Audiences praised the opera’s simplicity and charm. Rousseau claimed the opera “was in an absolutely new style, to which people’s ears were unaccustomed.”  Its novelty lay in the relationship of the music to the words: “The part to which I had paid the greatest attention, and in which I had made the greatest departure form the beaten track, was the recitative. Mine was stressed in an entirely new way, and timed to the speaking of the words” (Confs. VIII, 350).

 

1753: Lettre sur la musique françoise [Letter on French Music]

 

In this polemic Rousseau criticized French music, writing in the opening paragraph: “before speaking of the excellence of our [i.e. French] Music, it would perhaps be good to assure ourselves of its existence, and to examine first, not whether it is [made] of gold, but whether we have one [at all]” (O.C. V, 291).  Such words were not music to the ears of Rameau, who bestowed his undying enmity on the Genevan upstart who dared to take French music to task as “our Music.”

 

Rousseau held up Italian music as the model. His reasoning is complex: the differences among national styles of music are founded in the melody, more particularly in the “prosody” of the language (O.C. V, 294), while harmony is the same for all nations (O.C. V, 292).  Italian is the language most suited to music, as it is “sweet, sonorous, harmonious and accented more than any other, and these four qualities are precisely those most suitable to song” (O.C. V, 297).  French is a guttural language ill-suited to melody.  Rousseau details a series of remarkable experiments he claims to have performed to determine which language “contains the best form of music in itself” (O.C. V, 299).  He observed an Armenian with no prior experience of music listening to examples of Italian and French song; the French song evoked surprise rather than pleasure, while the Italian song brought a response of enchantment.

 

The Lettre launched a controversy that overshadowed the dissolution of the parlements: “Whoever reads that this pamphlet probably prevented a revolution in France will think that he is dreaming. Yet it is an actual fact, to which all Paris can still bear witness” (Confs. Book VIII, 358).


1753/4: L’Origine de la Mélodie [The Origin of Melody] (first published in 1974)

 

This the “epistemological pivot” of Rousseau’s musical theory (editor’s introduction; O.C. V, cclxxiv).  In it Rousseau argues that music and language have a common origin, more specifically, that melody is the essence of a music based in nature: “Melody or song, the pure work of nature, owes its origin…not to harmony, work and production of art….” Melody is composed of accent and rhythm; it alone transmits sentiments (O.C. V, 337).  Melody is born with language; the poverty of early languages enriched melody, in that song took on greater expressiveness in lieu of words (O.C. V, 333).  Thus, “…speech is the art of transmitting ideas, melody is that of transmitting sentiments….” (O.C. V, 337).  Music that does not express human feelings is but a sterile, mathematical exercise.

 

1754? (date uncertain): Essai sur l’origine des langues, où il est parlé de la mélodie et de l’imitaion musicale [Essay on the origin of languages, in which melody and musical imitation are discussed]

 

This work was originally planned as part of the Discours sur l’origine de l’inégalité, but Rousseau considered it too long and out of place to be included in that work. The Essai expands significantly on the argument that the formation of language marks a crucial juncture in human history.  Passions, not needs, form the basis for language: “We begin not by reasoning but by feeling.  People maintain that men invented language to express their needs; this opinion seems to me indefensible” (V, 380; cf. Basic Writings, 62).  Rousseau’s position has been summarized with this word play on Descartes’s cogito: “Je sens, donc je suis [I feel, therefore I am].”  Rousseau dismisses the argument that human language has a physiological basis; even though animals have organs of speech, they do not speak “the language of convention” as do humans.  Human language is possible due to a particular faculty unique to our species.

 

At the end of the Essai Rousseau turns to the relevance of his argument for political philosophy.  In Antiquity language was the medium of communication between the leaders and the assembled people of a free city (Sparta, Athens); today language no longer has this noble function; it has been reduced to a far lesser role:

 

Popular languages have become to us as perfectly useless as eloquence.  Societies have taken their final form; nothing will be changed except with the cannon and with ecus [money], as there is nothing more to say to the people except, give money, it is said with placards on the street corners or with soldiers [quartered] in houses; it is not necessary to assemble anyone for that: on the contrary, it is necessary to keep the subjects apart; this is the first maxim of modern politics.

            There are languages favorable to liberty; these are sonorous, prosodic, harmonious….Ours are made for whispering at Divans [the couches of absolute rulers].  Our preachers torment themselves, work themselves into a sweat in the temples, without knowing anything about what they say (O.C. V, 428).

 

1749: Articles on music in the Encyclopédie (390 in all) (see PD, 133):

 

In expressing his views on such matters as melody and harmony, Rousseau angered the great Rameau, who attacked Rousseau in Erreurs sur la Musique dans l’ Encyclopédie. D’Alembert, author of some articles on music, along with Diderot and other philosophes, rose to Rousseau’s defense. The dispute largely resulted from Rameau’s rage at Rousseau’s polemic of 1753, for the Encyclopédie actually supported Rameau’s theories in large part.

 

1768: Dictionnaire de musique (composed 1749-1764):

 

Lengthy work of exposition, clarification and criticism (O.C. V, 605-1154): “Music is, of all the beaux Arts, that which has the most extensive Vocabulary, and … as a result, the most useful [one]” (O.C. V, 605).  It is based on the Encyclopédie articles, but much reworked: “they [the Encyclopédie’s editors] gave me only three months to [write the articles], and three years would have been required for me merely to read, extract compare and compile the Authors I needed: but the zeal of friendship blinded me to the impossibility of success” (O.C. V, 605). “Wounded by the imperfection of my articles…I resolved to recast the whole…and to make a separate treatise at my leisure with more care” (O.C. V, 606).

 

Postscript:

 

Rousseau left a significant body of work on music philosophy and theory.  He was involved in the most heated musical debates of his day, and composed an opera that expressed his theoretical position, albeit in French lyrics.   This opera is available on CD and is still performed from time to time, e.g. in Hong Kong!   A critical edition of his music dictionary has just been published in French, edited by leading experts in the field.[6]  Their edition strives to show that Rousseau, the founder of the human sciences (according to French anthropologist Claude Lévi-Strauss), took a relativist view of human cultures; “he was led to conduct an implacable fight against the theory of acoustic determinism according to which tonal harmony would be the sign of a superior state of human progress.”[7] 

 

Rousseau worked as a music copyist to earn his living until near the end of his life.



 

[1]  Jean-Jacques Rousseau, The Confessions, trans, J. M. Cohen (New York:  Penguin, 1953).

[2]  Oeuvres complètes, ed. B. Gagnebin and M. Raymond, 5 vols. (Paris: Gallimard, 1959-1995). All translations are mine, unless otherwise indicated.

[3] For texts of Rousseau’s musical writings in English, see Essay on the Origin of Languages and Writings related to Music in Collected Writings of Rousseau, vol. 7, trans. and ed. John Scott (Hanover, NH: University Press of New England, 1998).

[4]  Jean le Rond d’Alembert, Preliminary Discourse to the Encyclopedia of Diderot, trans. with introduction by R. N. Schwab (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1995).

 

[5]  Quoted in Maurice Cranston, Jean-Jacques: The Early Life and Works of Jean-Jacques Rousseau 1712-1754 (Chicago: The Univ. of Chicago Press, 1991), 278.  

[6] Claude Dauphin, ed., Le Dictionnaire de musique de Jean-Jacques Rousseau: une édition critique, in collaboration with Raymond Court, et al. (Bern: Peter Lang, 2008).