Excerpts of articles on conceptual role semantics :
Article 1 : Gilbert Harman (Princeton) “(Nonsolipsistic)
Conceptual Role Semantics”
Full online version at : http://www.nyu.edu/gsas/dept/philo/courses/concepts/NonSolips.html
In this paper I will defend what I shall call `(nonsolipsistic) conceptual role semantics'. This approach involves the following four claims:
(1) The meanings of linguistic
expressions are determined by the contents of the concepts and thoughts they
can be used to express;
(2) the contents of thoughts are
determined by their construction out of concepts; and
(3) the contents of concepts are
determined by their `functional role' in a person's psychology, where
(4) functional role is conceived
nonsolipsistically as involving relations to things in the world, including
things in the past and future.
`Thoughts' here include beliefs, hopes, desires, fears, and
other attitudes, in addition to thoughts properly so called. `Functional role'
includes any special roles a concept may play in perception and in inference or
reasoning, including practical reasoning that leads to action.
I include the parenthetical modifier `(nonsolipsistic)' in the
phrase `(nonsolipsistic) conceptual role semantics' to contrast this approach
with that of some recent authors (Field, 1977; Fodor, 1980; Loar, 1981) who
think of conceptual role solipsistically as a completely internal matter. I put
parentheses around `nonsolipsistic' because, as I will argue below, the term is
redundant: conceptual role must be conceived nonsolipsistically
Commenting on Harman (1982), Loewer (1982) takes this
nonsolipsistic aspect to be an important revision in an earlier solipsistic
theory. This is not so. Conceptual role semantics derives from nonsolipsistic
behaviorism. It was originally and has until recently been a nonsolipsistic
theory (e.g Sellars, 1954; Harman, 1973). This is discussed further below.
(Nonsolipsistic) conceptual role semantics represents one thing
that might be meant by the slogan `meaning is use'. But a proper appreciation
of the point requires distinguishing (at least) two uses of symbols, their use
in calculation, as in adding a column of figures, and their use in
communication, as in telling someone the result.
Symbols that are being used in calculation are typically not
being used at that time for communication. When you add a column of figures you
are not normally communicating anything even to yourself. A similar point holds
in reverse. Normally you communicate the results of your calculation to someone
else only after you are done calculating. There are, of course mixed cases. You
might go through a calculation on the blackboard intending your audience to see
how things come out.
(Nonsolipsistic) conceptual role semantics may be seen as a
version of the theory that meaning is use, where the basic use of symbols is
taken to be m calculation, not in communication, and where concepts are treated
as symbols in a `language of thought'. Clearly, the relevant use of such
`symbols', the use of which determines their content, is their use in thought
and calculation rather than in communication. If thought is like talking to
yourself, it is the sort of talking involved in figuring something out, not the
sort of talking involved in communication. Thinking is not communicating with
yourself.
However, it would be more accurate to say content is use than to
say meaning is use; strictly speaking, thoughts and concepts have content, not
meaning.
…
It is sometimes suggested that words have meaning because of
the way they are used; the meaning of a word is its use in the language. Ryle
(1953, 1961) observes that it would be a mistake to try to extend this idea
directly to sentences. There are indefinitely many sentences. Obviously, most
of them are never used at all, and most sentences that are used are used only
once. Sentences do not normally have regular uses in the way that words do.
Sentences have meaning because of the words they contain and the way these
words are put together. A use theory of meaning has to suppose it is words and
ways of putting words together that have meaning because of their uses, not
sentences.
Similarly, it is concepts that have uses or functions or roles in
thought, not the possible attitudes in which those concepts occur. There are
indefinitely many possible attitudes. Most possible attitudes are never taken
by anyone, and most attitudes that are at some point taken by someone are taken
by someone only once. Possible beliefs, desires, and other attitudes do not
normally have regular uses or functions or roles that make them the possible
attitudes they are. Consider, for example, what use or role or function there
might be for the possible belief of yours that you have bathed in coca cola.
This belief would have a certain content, but no obvious use or role or
function. The content of a belief does not derive from its own role or function
but rather from the uses of the concepts it exercises.
…
Assuming conceptual role semantics as a basic framework, it
is plausible that all concepts have a function in reasoning that is relevant to
their content. No doubt, some concepts have the content they have primarily
because of a special role they play in perception, color concepts for example.
But the content of even these concepts depends to some extent on inferential
role. A given color concept is the concept of a normally persisting
characteristic of objects in the world, a characteristic that can be used both
to keep track of objects and as a sign of other things. For example, greenness
is a sign of unripeness in certain fruits. Moreover, there are various internal
relations among colors. From the premise that an object is red at a certain
place at a certain time one can infer that the object is not also green at that
place and time.
In the case of concepts of shape and number, inferential
connections play a larger role. Perceptual connections are still relevant; to
some extent your concept of a triangle involves your notion of what a triangle
looks like and your concept of various natural numbers is connection with your
ability to count objects you perceive. But the role these notions play in
inference looms larger.
The concept expressed by the word `because' plays an important
role in one's understanding of phenomena and has (I believe) a central role in
inference, since inference is often inference to the best explanation. This
role makes the concept expressed by `because' the concept it is, I believe. Is
perception relevant at all here? Perhaps. It may be that you sometimes directly
perceive causality or certain explanatory relations, and it may be that this
helps to determine the content of the concept you express with the word
`because'. Or perhaps not. Maybe the perception of causality and other
explanatory relations is always mediated by inference.
…
Logical words have a function in inference and reasoning
because certain implications and inconsistencies depend on them. Inference is,
of course, a process of thought which typically culminates in a change in view,
a change in your beliefs if it is theoretical reasoning, a change in plans and
intentions for practical reasoning. (There is also the limiting case in which
you make no change.)
There is as yet no substantial theory of inference or reasoning.
To be sure, logic is well developed; but logic is not a theory of inference or
reasoning. Logic is a theory of implication and inconsistency.
Logic is relevant to reasoning because implication and
inconsistency are. Implication and inconsistency are relevant to reasoning
because implication is an explanatory relation and because inconsistency is a
kind of incoherence, and in reasoning you try among other things to increase
the explanatory coherence of your view (Harman, 1986a). Particularly relevant
are relations of immediate or obvious psychological implication and immediate
or obvious psychological inconsistency.
These notions, of immediate implication and inconsistency for a
person S, might be partly explained as follows. If P and R immediately imply Q
for S, then, if S accepts P and R and considers whether Q, S is strongly
disposed to accept Q too, unless S comes to reject P or R. If U and V are
immediately inconsistent for S, S is strongly disposed not to accept both, so
that, if S accepts the one, S is strongly disposed not to accept the other
without giving up the first.
I should stress that these dispositions are only dispositions or
tendencies which might be overridden by other factors. Sometimes one has to
continue to believe things one knows are inconsistent, because one does not
know of any good way to resolve the inconsistency. Furthermore, the conditions
I have stated are at best only necessary conditions. For example, as Scott
Soames has pointed out to me, U and `I do not believe U' satisfy the last
condition without being inconsistent. Soames has also observed that the
principles for implication presuppose there is not a purely probabilistic rule
of acceptance for belief. Otherwise one might accept P and Q without accepting
their conjunction, which they obviously imply, on the grounds that the
conjuncts can have a high probability without the conjunction having such a
high probability. I have elsewhere argued against such a purely probabilistic
rule (Harman, 1986a).
Now, if logical concepts are entirely fixed by their functions in
reasoning, a concept C expresses logical conjunction if it serves to combine
two thoughts P and Q to form a third thought C(P,Q), where the role of C can be
characterized in terms of the principles of `conjunction introduction' and
`conjunction elimination'. In other words, P and Q obviously and immediately
imply, and are immediate obvious psychological implications of, C(P,Q).
Similarly, a concept N expresses logical negation if it applies to a thought P
to form a second thought N(P) and the role of N can be characterized as
follows: N(P) is obviously inconsistent with P and is immediately implied by
anything else that is obviously inconsistent with P and vice versa, that is,
anything obviously inconsistent with N(P) immediately implies P. (I am indebted
to Scott Soames for pointing out that this last clause is needed.) In the same
way, concepts express one or another type of logical quantification if their
function can be specified by relevant principles of generalization and
instantiation. To repeat, this holds only on the assumption that logical
concepts are determined entirely by their role in reasoning and that any role
in perception they might have is not essential or derives from role in
reasoning.
Article 2 : Ned Block (NYU) “Functional Role Semantics” in MITECS:
The MIT Encyclopedia of the Cognitive Sciences
According to functional role
semantics (FRS), the meaning of a MENTAL REPRESENTATION
is its role in the cognitive life of the agent, for example in perception,
thought and DECISION
MAKING. It is an extension of the well-known "use" theory of
meaning, according to which the meaning of a word is its use in communication
and more generally, in social interaction. FRS supplements external use by
including the role of a symbol inside a computer or a brain. The uses appealed
to are not just actual, but also counterfactual: not only what effects a
thought does have, but also what effects it would have had if stimuli or other
states had differed. The view has arisen separately in philosophy (where it is
sometimes called "inferential," or "functional" role
semantics) and in cognitive science (where it is sometimes called
"procedural semantics"). The view originated with Wittgenstein and
Sellars, but the source in contemporary philosophy is a series of papers by
Harman (see his 1987) and Field (1977). Other proponents in philosophy have
included Block, Horwich, Loar, McGinn, and Peacocke; in cognitive science, they
include Woods, Miller, and Johnson-Laird.
FRS is motivated
in part by the fact that many terms seem definable only in conjunction with one
another, and not in terms outside of the circle they form. For example, in
learning the theoretical terms of Newtonian mechanics -- force, mass, kinetic
energy, momentum, and so on -- we do not learn definitions outside the circle.
There are no such definitions. We learn the terms by learning how to use them
in our thought processes, especially in solving problems. Indeed, FRS explains
the fact that modern scientists cannot understand the phlogiston theory without
learning elements of an old language that expresses the old concepts. The
functional role of, for example, "principle" as used by phlogiston
theorists is very different from the functional role of any term or complex of
terms of modern physics, and hence we must acquire some approximation of the
eighteenth century functional roles if we want to understand their ideas.
FRS seems to give
a plausible account of the meanings of the logical connectives. For example, we
could specify the meaning of "and" by noting that certain inferences
-- for example, the inferences from sentences p and q to p
and q, and the inference from p and q to p -- have a
special status (they are "primitively compelling" in Peacocke's 1992
terminology). But it may be said that the logical connectives are a poor model
for language and for concepts more generally. One of the most important
features of our CONCEPTS
is that they refer -- that is, that they pick out objects in the world.
In part for this
reason, many theorists prefer a two-factor version of FRS. On this view,
meaning consists of an internal, "narrow" aspect of meaning -- which
is handled by functional roles that are within the body -- and an external
referential/truth-theoretic aspect of meaning. According to the external
factor, "Superman flies" and "Clark Kent flies" are
semantically the same because Superman = Clark Kent; the internal factor is
what distinguishes them. But the internal factor counts "Water is more greenish
than bluish" as semantically the same in my mouth as in the mouth of my
twin on TWIN EARTH.
In this case, it is the external factor that distinguishes them.
Two-factor
theories gain some independent plausibility from the need of them to account
for indexical thought and assertions, assertions whose truth depends on facts
about when and where they were made and by whom. For example, suppose that you
and I say "I am ill." One aspect of the meaning of "I" is
common to us, another aspect is different. What is the same is that our terms
are both used according to the rule that they refer to the speaker; what is
different is that the speakers are different. White (1982) generalized this
distinction to apply to the internal and external factors for all referring
expressions, not just INDEXICALS.